A Case Study Of The Code Switching Patterns English Language Essay

The study investigates the use of Lithuanian and English and code-switching between the two in a family of Lithuanian-English bilinguals living in London. The data was collected by means of recording in the family home. The recording was then transcribed and analysed, allowing me to identify a number of features of the features of the language choice and code-switching patterns. These included convergence or divergence from the viewpoint of the previous speaker, lexical need, translation to allow for greater fluency in the conversation, trigger words and the perceived identity of the speaker.

I conclude from these observations that code-switching can be seen as a versatile and fluid phenomenon which allows the speaker greater freedom of expression and performs a number of functions, both social and pragmatic. The speakers use their languages to

This dissertation looks at bilingual conversations between family members in a family environment. The main focus of the work is the strategic use of code-switching. My particular interest is on how different members of the family use code-switching in order to express their national and individual identity and how this usage reflects their attitudes towards their languages.

Theoretical background to the study:

Bilingualism

A fact frequently mentioned in bilingual studies is that over half the world is bilingual (Hoffmann 1991). However, patterns of individual language use within bilingual communities are diverse and it has been claimed that bilingualism is more common in unilingual countries (Mackey 1970). Lithuania has a high level of bilingualism with over 70% of the residents being multilingual (http://www.stat.gov.lt/en/).

Language use is influenced by social circumstances, especially with regard to the communicative situation in which the language is employed. Bilingualism, however, is not automatically sustained without regular exchanges in the pertinent languages. (Ervin-Tripp and Reyes 2005). Languages amongst second generation immigrants seem to be maintained in strong correlation to the amount of exposure within the home. Mackey Bilingualism Reader page 35. The level of language proficiency and performance are affected by the intention of the speaker and the kinds of actions taken in order to satisfy that function.

The attitude of a speaker towards his or her language is a major factor in their language behaviour. A speaker who feels ashamed of his or her level of a particular language may use this less frequently or only use it in certain company. Certain languages carry political associations and can be unpopular for this reason -for example, Russian was unpopular in many countries in the Soviet Union. Bilingual immigrant children may associate their second language with that of their friends and social life and have a more positive outlook towards this (Lambert et al 1958 see Bilingualism a reader for ref).

Code-switching

Code-switching is remarkably common in language contact situations, especially within plurilingual societies. The majority of code-switching studies have concentrated on the social motivation behind the switches (e.g. Myers-Scotton 1993) in addition to grammatical or syntactical constraints or psychological mechanism (e.g. Grosjean 2001).

Alternation between languages seems to depend on a number of factors., including the conversational topic of the speaker, the person to whom he or she is speaking and the level of tension which he or she feels when taking part in the conversation – for example when very tired, nervous, or angry. Myers Scotton (1993) amongst others has pointed out that bilinguals use code-switching in order to make the greatest use of their linguistic repertoire. For many bilinguals this is a part of their daily life. In multilingual societies this would take place in a variety of contexts, but in the UK this is most commonly found at home in a family environment. For this reason the study focuses on a family conversation.

Age is a major factor for consideration in the study of language use within a family. For younger immigrants bilingualism can be a short process which can lead to the second language overtaking the first if home is the only environment in which the first language is utilised. (Tits 1959 see bilingualism reader for ref). The study of younger immigrants is specialised as their stability in their first language needs to be considered whereas with older immigrants their first language is far more fixed and stable.

1.1.2 Lithuania and the Lithuanian language

According to the Office for National Statistics (www.statistics.gov.uk), an estimated 74,000 Lithuanians lived in the UK in 2010.

Lithuania became independent from the Soviet Union in 1990 and became a member of NATO and the European Union in spring 2004. Since Lithuanian independence many changes have taken place and popular culture is highly influenced by Western Europe and the USA. An important change regarding language is that many young people are now able to speak English or another foreign language, and have little knowledge of the Russian language. In Soviet times the very large majority of the population was fluent in Russian. More than 70% of Lithuanians living in Lithuania in September 2012 are bi- or multilingual. (http://www.stat.gov.lt/en/) Russian is still the most widely spoken second language with English now the second. (Statistics Lithuania 2008).

The total worldwide Lithuanian-speaking population is estimated at about 3,100,000 (2011, http://www.indexmundi.com/lithuania/demographics_profile.html), about 2.9 million native Lithuanian speakers in Lithuania and about 200,000 abroad (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lithuanian_language). The Lithuanian language is a Baltic language which has been influenced by both Russian and Finnish, but retains many pure features of archaic Indo-European. The Russian language was particularly influential during the period of Soviet rule. Lithuanian is an inflectional language with seven cases and is gendered. The Lithuanian alphabet consists of 32 letters in the Latin alphabet using diacritical marks. There are two main dialects which differ significantly from each other: AukÃ…Â¡taiÃ„ÂiÃ…Â³ (AukÃ…Â¡taitian, Highland Lithuanian) and Ã…Â½emaiÃ„ÂiÃ…Â³/Ã…Â½emaitiu (Samogitian, Lowland Lithuanian). The family studied here speak standard or Highland Lithuanian.

1.1.3 Key terms

Bilingualism

Definitions of bilingualism vary greatly. Bloomfield (1933) describes it as: ‘native-like control of two languages’. However, this focus on the level of proficiency in each language does not refer to the use or function performed by the language. Definitions which are based on function take into account the fact that language is a communicative tool rather than an abstract entity. Weinreich (1953) describes bilingualism as: ‘The practice of alternately using two languages’. Els Oksaar (1983) takes function and proficiency into account in her definition of ‘the ability of a person to use here and now two or more languages as a means of communication in most situations and to switch from one language to the other if necessary’ (p. 19). Hoffmann (1991) points out that bilingualism is relative, and although there have been many attempts to define it, none of these is equally valid. She suggests that a useful approach could be to form a bilingual profile for each individual, accounting for variables such as the language development and maintenance of the languages, their sequential relationship, the competence in each, functional aspects, linguistic features, attitudes and environmental circumstances.

The term ‘balanced’ bilingual is used to describe a speaker who has equal command of both languages. However, Fishman et al (1971) point out that this situation is rare.

Bilinguals who are equally fluent in both languages (as measured by their facility and correctness overall) are rarely equally fluent in both languages about all possible topics; this phenomenon is invariably a reflection of the fact that societal allocation of functions is normally imbalanced and in complementary distribution rather than redundant (Fishman et al, 1971, in MacSwan, 1999: 30) .

Code-switching

Definitions of code-switching vary significantly between researchers. ‘Code’ is generally used as a synonym of ‘language’, although there is some debate on this point, Jakobson distinguishing between the two terms, asserting that languages do not consist of codes, but rather contain them (Jakobson 1971). Some see code-switching as being the insertion of whole utterances in a non-dominant language between sentences (Dahl, Rice et al. 2010). ‘Borrowing’ generally refers to the insertion of a word or phrase within a sentence while retaining the syntax of the matrix language. ‘Code-mixing’ However, there is little evidence at present that there is a significant difference between these types, and many see the difference as best expressed in terms of a continuum (Clyne 2000). Jeanine Treffers-Daller (1994- linguistic c-s) points out that many researchers see a difference between instances of code-switching and ‘transfer’ or ‘interference’ – both of these terms referring to the influence of one language on another. However, she argues that these can be seen as similar as they involve the occurrence of aspects of one language in a section of another language. In the current work, the term ‘code-switching’ will be used in its broadest sense to refer to the use of two or more languages used within a conversation or utterance, whether this be inter- or intra-sententially, unless a particular term is used by another researcher cited here.

Throughout this work I will refer to inter-sentential and intra-sentential code-switching – switches which occur between sentences or within them respectively as originally defined by Polack (1980).

Crossing (also ”language crossing’ or ‘code-crossing’) refers to the use of a language or variety which isn’t generally thought to ‘belong’ to the speaker (Rampton, 1997, in Auer 1998P. Auer (ed) 1997/98 Code-switching in Conversation: Language, Interaction and Identity (London: Routledge)

Creolization is used here to mean the formation of a Creole language from the contact of a European language with a local language: http://oxforddictionaries.com

Native speaker when used in this project refers to a person who has spoken the language in question from earliest childhood (http://oxforddictionaries.com).

Rationale

This is an ethnographic study using data obtained from naturally occurring speech of three bilinguals of differing levels of proficiency. The family were chosen as they are all first generation immigrants, bi- or tri-lingual and are integrated into British society while still retaining a sense of their Lithuanian identity through their visits to Lithuania and contact with Lithuanian friends and family. The mother, when collecting her son from school when he was about 5 years old, overheard him asking a friend: ‘Did you know that I am half-Lithuanian?’ She then questioned him about why he thought he was only half Lithuanian when both his parents were Lithuanian. He answered that he was Lithuanian when he was at home because of his parents, but at school he was English because he spoke English there, and he knew he wasn’t 100% Lithuanian, as he could not speak the language fluently. This ‘biculturalism’ opens debate concerning the choice and use of language to broader issues such as identity. Oksaar (1983) argues that an immigrant’s two languages usually perform distinct tasks and the distribution of the languages in relation to the cultural spheres may be a decisive factor for the immigrant’s degree of integration.

This study aims to investigate how the level of proficiency in a language affects the code-switching patterns in this family and how the family members use their linguistic repertoire to express their identity as Lithuanian, English, or both. No attempt will be made in this work to examine grammatical restraints or features beyond a very basic level.

Research Questions

What are the language choices and code-switching patterns of the subjects in a family environment?

Do the language choice and code-switching reflect on the proficiency level of the language used?

What are the functional purposes of the code-switching?

How are the individuals’ attitudes towards the two languages and their own identity reflected in their language behaviour?

The first of these questions provides a general background on which the other questions are based. The second question relates the language choice and code-switching to the level of proficiency that the subjects have in the languages. Question 3 looks at the reasons behind the code-switching. Lastly, the final question examines if there is a relationship between the attitude of the individual and their language choices

1.4 Hypotheses

That there is a correlation between the language choice and code-switching patterns of the speaker and their level of proficiency in that language.

That the mother of the family, being the most ‘balanced’ bilingual, will code-switch more frequently than the other two members of the family

That the code-switching functions to facilitate understanding between all three members of the family and reflect their identities

1.5 Conclusion

The structure of the paper is as follows:

Chapter 1 has described the study and its aims. It has also given a brief summary of the key ideas which will be investigated and the terms which will be used throughout.

The second chapter will review the literature which I feel is relevant and of interest to the present study. This will examine the perspectives on code-switching analysis, starting with the Rational Choice analysis. It will then examine Conversation Analysis as a tool for the analysis of code-switching data. Chapter 2 will also deal briefly with studies which look at the level of proficiency of the speakers and how this affects code-switching.

The third chapter will describe the methodology used in the study including the research design issues and the positioning of the researcher. It will give an outline of the family background and history will then deal with the ethics, interviews and data collection which were carried out in order to conduct the research. A mention will also be made of the issues involved in data collection and the conventions used in the transcription as well as the methods used to analyse the data.

Chapter 4 will look at the analysis of the data, dealing primarily with the research questions. It will examine the language choices of the subjects and how these choices reflect on the proficiency level of the participants in each language. It will then examine when the family code-switch when interacting and what the functional purposes of the code-switching appear to be. There will then be a discussion of how the language choices reflect the individuals’ attitudes towards the two languages.

Chapter 5 concludes the study with a discussion of the implications of the findings and a summary of the research, looking at the limitations of the research and any further development required.

Chapter 2 Review of relevant literature what about FAMILY studies and what is special about them?

2.1 Introduction QUOTATIONS ONE OR TWO PER PAGE

In this chapter the literature concerned with the phenomenon of code-switching is examined to provide a conceptual framework. Studies have been carried out in this area from psycholinguistic, grammatical or sociolinguistic perspectives. This literature review will concentrate only on the sociolinguistic studies as these relate most closely to the research carried out. I will firstly consider the different perspectives on code-switching analysis – Analyses based on the social connotations of the two languages and Conversation Analysis. I will then examine studies dealing with the level of proficiency of the speaker and how this affects code-switching practices. I will also briefly investigate studies of bilingual children before concluding by linking these studies to the study carried out here.

The last forty or fifty years have seen a profusion of research carried out into reasons for code-switching and the different manifestations of the phenomenon. Studies in this area can be conducted for their own sake, in order to demonstrate characteristic features of a language. Code-switching is also studied in order to look at grammatical features or constraints across languages or for cognitive processing purposes. In addition code-switching can investigate the ways in which identities, be these individual or group, can be formed and demonstrated. It can also give additional meaning to an utterance which cannot be attributed to the meaning of the sum of individual words (Gardner-Chloros 2009)

Code-switching is a conversational tool requiring competence pragmatically and grammatically (Koppe and Meisel 1995). Reasons why code-switching takes place are varied and complex. It is assumed to be related to the situational parameters of conversational topic, participant roles or the speech event itself (Auer 1995). However, intra-sentential code-switching may serve the purpose of emphasis, quoting another person, or to indicate a change in the participant addressed. It can also be used to indicate convergence or divergence from the previous participant’s statement (Zhu 2008). Inter-sentential code-switching can be used to fill gaps in lexical knowledge or to for emphasis (Zentella 1997) or to ask or answer rhetorical questions among other reasons.

2.2 Perspectives on code-switching analysis

It is generally recognised that code-switching is meaningful from a social perspective. There are two broad schools of thought as to how this meaning is brought about. The first of these sees the choice of language as having a meaning, in terms of identity, views and values (Gumperz 1982, Myers-Scotton 1993). The other approach sees meaning as coming from the code-switching itself, that is, from within the conversation, rather than being reliant on external factors. This second approach concentrates on the sequences used and is generally studied using Conversational Analysis techniques. Increasingly researchers are favouring this second approach, as although it is widely acknowledged that social factors can play a significant role, this is not straightforward and cannot be assumed a priori (Cashman 2005, Williams 2005).

2.2.1 Analyses based on the social connotations of the two languages

Language can be seen in terms of a ‘we-code’ and ‘they-code’ (Gumperz (1982). The ‘we-code’ normally denotes a minority language linked to informal circumstances used by an ‘in-group’. The main community language, linked to formal circumstances, is a ‘they-code’. Typically in families in which the parents are immigrants to the UK, the parents will see their community language or mother tongue as the ‘we-code’ and English as the ‘they-code’. Their children, however, brought up in the UK, are likely to feel that English is their ‘we-code’ and to prefer to use this.

Gumperz (1982) sees code-switching as meaningful from a social identity perspective. He carried out a study in Norway examining the use of Ranamal – a local dialect, and Bokmal – the standard language variety. These shared many similarities but were considered by speakers to be distinct. This distinction was important in order for the varieties to fulfil social functions. The local dialect was used with family, and to express local cultural identity, while the more standard variety was used in education and in the media. Many people switched between these two varieties depending on the topic of the conversation – for example, an enquiry about family might be made in Ranamal, while Bokmal might be used while discussing business.

Zhu Hua (2008) points out that a large body of evidence now indicates that ‘there is no simple, one-to-one association between language and social values (p.1800) In an investigation into diasporic Chinese families in the UK, she examined the connection between social communication and socio-cultural values, focusing on code-switching between generations in ‘conflict talk’ – situations in which the speakers adopt different opinions on a subject. There appeared to be strategic language choices and positioning by the speakers. It appeared that code-switching functioned to focus the interactions between the speakers particularly when negotiating power relationships. Speakers showed convergence or divergence with the previous speaker’s view depending on their language choice – speakers answering in the language in which they were addressed were is likely to be showing convergence.

Investigations into non-Western code-switching have found evidence refuting the idea of different languages being associated with different groups. Stroud (1998) looked at the use of Tok Pisin, a national language, and Taiap, spoken by a tiny minority. It was found that no particular domain, subject or speech variety was spoken about in one language only.

Rational choice analyses start from the basic standpoint of Gumperz (1982). The ‘Markedness Model’ of Myers-Scotton (1993) makes the assumption that one language variety is always unmarked in any situation and that social norms act as constraints to speakers. She studied African urban communities and saw a distinction between the theories of allocation, where language behaviour is affected by the structure of society, and interaction, in which a person makes a rational selection to achieve a specific purpose. The mother tongue of the Kenyans studied was used with others of the same ethnic background and appeared to be important in terms of identity. It was also used for assistance from other members of the same group. English was used at home by those more affluent economically as it was assumed that this would help the children with their school education. The ‘markedness’ idea is further developed in the Rational Choice Model (Myers-Scotton and Bolonyai 2001), which asserts that an unmarked choice is one in which the speaker chooses his or her language according to the conventions of the social norms. These norms can dictate that code-switching is in itself the choice which is unmarked. The Markedness Model appears to regard monolingualism as the starting point or norm and disregards variation between languages (Blommaert and Meeuwis 1998). The idea of ‘strategic’ code-switching is also criticised as many see code-switching as an unconscious occurrence (Woolard 2004).

This Rational Choice Model was employed by Alfaraz (2009) in a study of the use of Spanish and English in the Catholic mass. Quantitative analysis revealed a more frequent use of English than Spanish during the service, making English apparently the unmarked choice. On closer analysis, however, it could be seen that Spanish was used for the ritualistic areas of the service, making this the unmarked choice. Alfaraz asserted that pragmatic meaning was not conveyed though the directionality of switching in the data. Instead, code-switching seemed to be used to emphasise ‘contextual information equivalent to what in monolingual settings is conveyed through prosody or other syntactic or lexical processes’ (Gumperz 1982 p.98). An example of this is in the use of pauses, which when between code-switched passages were found to be almost two seconds shorter than those between monolingual passages in the data, pointing towards the switching being used as a reinforcement of the effect of the pause.

The Rational Choice Model assumes that choices are made between codes according to external values. However, more recent thinking about how meanings can be interpreted has asserted that they can be interpreted from the conversation itself without the necessity of relating to external norms. Li Wei (1998) argues that code-switching can be used to show the authoritative level of the speaker and their preference linguistically.

2.2.3 Conversational analyses of code-switching see Nilep interactional section

Macro-sociolinguistic aspects of code-switching, while giving a useful insight, can never determine absolutely code-switching. Gumperz (1982) maintained that in order to define the functions of code-switching a close and detailed analysis of conversation is necessary. On the basis of this he identified a list of six functions (quotation marking, addressee specification, interjection, reiteration, message qualification, and ‘personalization versus objectivization’. This list has led on to many other similar attempts to identify a list of code-switching functions (Romaine 1989; Nishimura 1997; Zentella 1997). These lists are problematic, however, as there are often problems with definition, as Auer (1995) points out. Although these may provide some useful guidelines, they are inadequate as a complete answer to the functions that code-switching carries out.

.Auer (1984) claims that bilingual interaction is susceptible to local methods of language negotiation and code choice and is autonomous at one level from the larger ideological and societal structures to which it are related. Conversational analyses of code-switching focus on the actual interactions and the fulfilment of interactional goals which take place between the speakers rather than on external factors. Li Wei (2005) regards Conversation Analysis as an extension of Rational Choice analyses, but seeking ‘evidence from talk-in-interaction rather than from external knowledge of community structure and relations’ (p.375). Myers-Scotton and Bolonyai (2001) have criticised this approach for the emphasis on transcriptions techniques and lack of focus on motivational choices. Li Wei (2002) claims that the conversational analysis approach is often used without explicit reference to the reasons why, but that it can demonstrate the motivation and intentions of the speaker in addition to revealing the process of generating ordered activity .

Code-switching is commonly believed to be related to other manifestations of bilingual or multilingual behaviour rather than an isolated occurrence. ‘Translanguaging space’ covers a diversity of practices including code-switching, code-mixing, crossing and creolization. Li Wei (2010) studied the multilingual practices of three Chinese undergraduate maths students resident in Britain through ‘Moment Analysis’. This aims to capture seemingly spur-of-the-moment performances and to establish their causes and results. Speakers seemed to express their identities and create their own social spaces through utilization of the linguistic resources available to them. Translanguaging space can be a reflection of an individual’s identity and demonstrates the way individuals use their linguistic resources to create their own space, rather than responding to external factors.

Various patterns of interactions can be analysed in sequential code-switching Auer (1995). These can involve both the interlocutors speaking in different languages to each other, for example one person speaking consistently in English while the other replies in Lithuanian. However, this often leads to one interlocutor beginning to use the other language and becomes a monolingual conversation. When this pattern is seen it can indicate the preference of language by a speaker. It can also show the level of competence in a language (usually the speaker is more competent in his or her preferred language). It could indicate language choice for a social reason. Reyes (2004) states that code-switching can be used to extend communicative competence in situations where a single language is not adequate.

Milroy and Wei (1995) claim that interlocutors decide on a language and that code-switching occurs within this. This code-switching becomes interactional in that participants often choose to speak in the language which best suits their interlocutor (Milroy and Li Wei, 1995). Their study found that Chinese immigrants to the UK varied in their language practices according to age, with the older generation preferring to use their Chinese mother tongue, and the younger generation showing a preference for English. Code-switching within this appeared to be used for repetition and emphasis, clarification and confirmation, as well as making language repairs (this last only amongst the adults).

Critiques of Conversation Analysis claim that a focus too closely on conversation as the starting point for analysis in addition to not allowing macro-sociolinguistic evidence can result in unsatisfactory analysis of non-Western language behaviour. “[L]anguage use and patterns of code-switching both structure and are structured by indigenous cultural practices” (Stroud 1998 p.322).

2.3 Code-switching and level of proficiency

Code-switching has traditionally been seen as the result of a lack of competence in one of the languages, or a practice which is lazy or inhibits language learning. Bullock and Toribio (2009) state that ‘it is .Ã¢â‚¬Â¦ perceived by the general public as indicative of language degeneration’ (Bullock and Toribio 2009 p.1). However, studies have shown that these viewpoints do not reflect the truth (Hughes, Shaunessy et al. 2006). By focusing on code-switching as a resourceful process, it is possible to see the ways in which languages are used for communication and to advance learning (Liebscher and Dailey-O’Cain 2005). Weinreich (1953) described an idealised bilingual speaker who would use both codes distinctly. However, Grosjean (1997) has asserted that neither language system of a bilingual can be fully deactivated. This implies that bilinguals generally differ in some way from monolinguals, even in their principal language. Even the concept of the ‘native speaker’ is now being challenged by code-switching practices (Gardner-Chloros 2009).

The issue of the level of proficiency of the speaker and the effect of this on code-switching has long been under debate. McClure (1977) noted that the use of code-switching changes with age. Younger children were seen to code-switch nouns whereas older ones switched phrases and sentences, thus indicating that there is a level of proficiency which must be reached for code-switching to take place. However, according to Myers-Scotton (1993), there is no clear level of proficiency that a speaker must obtain in a second language in order for code-switching to take place.

Code-switching has been seen as a strategy to cope with deficiencies in one or both of the languages (MacSwan 1999). These deficiencies were previously referred to as semilingualism (Cummins and Miramonte, 1989, in MacSwan, 1999) and were thought of as causing low academic achievement in multilingual children (Milroy and Muysken 1995, Tokuhama-Espinosa 2003). However, Li Wei (2000) points out that the term was used for ethnic minorities and not for the speakers of mainstream languages. Poplack (1980) was critical of the term for the implication that the speakers are not fully literate, and the stigma involved for those it referred to.

Romaine (1995) points out that:

‘Although it is popularly believed by bilingual speakers themselves that they mix or borrow because they do not know the term in one language or another, it is often the case that switching occurs most often for items which people know and use in both languages. The bilingual just has a wider choice – at least when he or she is speaking with bilingual speakers. In effect, the entire second language system is at the disposal of the code-switcher.’ (1995, p. 143)

A study carried out by Valadez, MacSwan and MartÃnez (1997) into three children who were low achievers discovered that their use of grammar was as competent as that of the control group, implying that their code-switching was not due to grammatical deficiencies. MacSwan (1999) asserted that ‘code switchers have the same grammatical competence as monolinguals for the language they use’ (p. 22). Li Wei (1998) also stated that “code-switching, far from being caused by an insufficient competence in one of the two languagesÃ¢â‚¬Â¦ works as a communicative strategy used for a variety of purposes, related either to the negotiation of the language of interaction or to the organization of conversational activities” (p. 207).

Poplack (1980) found that in the speech of Puerto Ricans both those who were fluent and those who were not fully fluent bilinguals code-switched frequently while maintaining grammatical correctness in both languages. Those who were less fluent tended to switch between rather than within sentences. She concluded that “Code switching, then, rather than representing deviant behavior, is actually a suggestive indicator of degree of bilingual competence” (p. 73). Recent studies have indicated that bilinguals who have a higher level of proficiency in both languages code-switch more frequently than those who speak the two at different levels (e.g. Auer 1999, Hoffman and Stavans 2007).

In addition to questions of grammatical proficiency, there is also a question of whether lexical deficiencies. Zentella (1997) maintains that code-switching is used when the speaker does not have the appropriate vocabulary to complete a sentence, therefore switches language mid-sentence. Some evidence for this is provided by Braun (2009) in a study of trilingual Lithuanian-English-Russian students in a Lithuanian classroom setting. He found that the students used code-switching to fill gaps in their lexical knowledge and in some cases relied on others to translate for them in order to be able to communicate fluently. They appeared to be always in a bi– or even trilingual language mode.

A: …it is not uh uh good uh for uh our santykiai, B: Relationships? C: M-hm. A: Yes. Because uh I think uh uh if you want to have uh a- a roommate, eh you must uh to- paskirstyti. C: Divide. A: Uh to divide uh all works (Braun 2009 pp46).

However, older studies (Clyne, 1967; Hasselmo, 1970, in Lipski, 1978; Lance, 1975,) showed that this lexical deficiency could not account for code-switching alone. These are supported by NiÃ±o-Murcia (2008), who found that children often used two languages for the same term within the same exchange.

Code-switching has been seen to fulfil an interpretive function. In a study of Chinese-English code-switching across three generations by Ng and He (2004), it was found that parents used code-switching within turns more than between turns, whereas grandchildren code-switched between turns. The interpretive function of CS was observed in order to recognise CS indicators which allowed members of the family to communicate with each other in spite of language barriers. It was discovered that parents used interpretive CS more than the grandparents or grandchildren. Results of this study fit in with the theory of Communication Accommodation (Giles and St Clair 1979) which claims that interaction between people involves changes in the manner of speaking in order to facilitate accommodation. The outcomes also supported hypotheses based on the disparity of the generational bilingual competence.

Code-switching and identity – see Nilep

2.4 Studies of bilingual children

Child bilingualism is commonly seen as ‘true’ bilingualism in comparison to adult bilingualism, and there is a widespread belief that after adolescence it is not possible for an individual to truly learn a language to native speaking level – the ‘Critical Period Hypothesis’ (Lenneberg 1967, Johnson and Newport 1989). However, some studies indicate that adults whose exposure had started long after the hypothesised critical period are able to attain an extremely high proficiency in a second or additional language which is certainly comparable to that of children (Birdsong 2006, White & Genesee, 1996). However, with regard to there is convincing evidence that children are able to attain a more ‘native-like’ pronunciation than adults (Yeni-Komshian, Flege and Liu (2000). However, bilingualism involves a linguistic repertoire of two languages which is not dependent on ‘native-like’ or advanced proficiency in both.

Studies of bilingual children can differ from adult studies as the language is generally felt to be less explicit therefore requires a greater knowledge of the context to be understood. As a result of this many child bilingualism studies are longitudinal (Lanza 1997). The code-switching of a child might reflect the level of difficulty that the child feels with each particular language in terms of vocabulary or grammar or the level of proficiency in each of the languages that the child has at that stage of development. Bolonyai (1998, 2009) found changes in both the amount and structure of code switching as her child participants gradually become English-dominant and their use of Hungarian decreased. They started to produce more intransentential switches than intersentential ones, and the grammatical structure of these utterances became increasingly English-based (c.f. matrix language above). Visits to Hungary, however, provoked a temporary reversal of these processes along with the temporary reversal of the process of language attrition.

Conversation Analysis techniques were employed by Dahl et al (2010) in research into a four year old boy reacquiring or relearning his native language on his return to his home country of Norway after living in the USA for fifteen months. Recordings showed that code-switching was not common in his speech and occurred in only 13% of the utterances, the majority of these being to adults. When speaking to his peers the boy appeared to understand that they did not speak English and tended to speak only in Norwegian on these occasions. The findings indicated that the process of reacquisition was related to the person with whom he spoke. Code-switching studies have frequently found that a child’s language choice is oriented towards the addressee (Deuchar and Quay 2000). In addition to the addressee, the physical setting also plays a role (Ervin-Tripp and Reyes 2005).

Code-switching affects lexical words far more than it does functional, which only seems to occur in younger children under two and a half years (Koppe and Meisel 1995). Nouns in particular are code-switched frequently.

Older children code-switching see dissertation page 104

2.5 Conclusion

Refer to study and show LINK

The review of the literature has provided an overview of the different perspectives on code-switching analysis. Additionally this chapter has reviewed the current literature on code-switching and level of proficiency and studies of bilingual children and their code-switching practices, which form the basis for the investigation that follows.

In the context of these issues, this dissertation examines the code-switching patterns of a bilingual Lithuanian family in London and how their code-switching and language choices reflect their level of proficiency and issues relating to their identity

In the next chapter the methodology used in the research will be examined, giving information on the participants, the research design, ethical issues and data collection, coding and transcribing conventions and the analysis of the data.

Chapter 3 Methodology

3.1 Introduction

This chapter is dedicated to the discussion of the methodology used to obtain the recordings, and carry out the interviews with the participants which form the basis of the study. More specifically, the chapter will look at the participants, issues concerned with the research design, and my position as a researcher. It will also examine the procedures involved in obtaining ethical consent and how the interviews and recordings were carried out and transcribed.

3.2 Participants:

The participants in the study are a family from Lithuania. The family consists of the father, Linas – 37, mother, Audrey, – 31 – and son, Ugnius, – 11. On arrival in the UK, Linas was 24 and Audrey 18. Ugnius was born in Lithuania but moved to the UK at the age of one. All three members of the family speak Lithuanian and English, although their relative levels of proficiency in these two languages varies. The mother and father are also both fluent in Russian.

Linas had studied English from the age of 11 at school but was still at a beginner or elementary level on his arrival in the UK. As he worked in the construction industry with Lithuanian or Russian speakers and lived with Lithuanians during his first years in the UK, he was not initially given sufficient practice in the English language to achieve a high level of fluency. Although he does now have contact with native English speakers at work he has never developed full mastery of the English grammatical system in spite of a wide vocabulary and excellent comprehension. Listeners have difficulty with his accent.

Audrey studied English from the age of 11. Her mother was an English teacher and encouraged her to learn from an early age, although her studies of English did not really begin until her teens. Her English was at upper-intermediate level on her arrival in the UK but she was not fully fluent until after several months’ residence. She has made continual efforts over the years to improve aspects of her English such as pronunciation, small grammatical errors and vocabulary. She is now often mistaken for a native English speaker. She speaks English, Lithuanian and Russian at work in her accountancy business and works in a multi-cultural environment with colleagues from Eastern Europe and Asia.

Ugnius spoke only Lithuanian until starting school at the age of 4 and had had little contact with the English language. On first starting school one of his teachers expressed concern about his lack of English and suggested to the parents that they speak in English at home to assist him. On achieving native speaking fluency in English, Ugnius showed a reluctance to speak in his mother tongue and would generally respond to conversation directed at him in Lithuanian with a reply in English. In recent years this has changed, with him showing an interest in his Lithuanian and the Lithuanian language and a desire to be able to communicate more easily with his extended family, many of whom speak no English. He recently asked his parents if they could speak more Lithuanian at home to assist him in this. His mother believes that he will now never be fully fluent in Lithuanian particularly in terms of a native accent and grammatical correctness.

3.3 Research design issues

Reasons for carrying out an ethnographic study – look at research method book for ideas esp chapter 14

Bilingualism has long relied on recorded talk as an important method of obtaining data (Myers-Scotton 2006). This method of data collection allows other researchers to listen and draw their own conclusion from the data (although in practice data is not commonly available so comparative analysis studies rarely happens). Another advantage of this method is that the method allows the data to be examined in detail and repeatedly if necessary, which is particularly important in the case of detailed qualitative studies. The recording also allows the data to be naturalistic.

See research methods book page 161 for info on interviews for content analysis

Why a case study see research methods page 88

After carrying out the analysis of the data the participants were asked to comment on their use of code-switching from excerpts from the transcript. This analysis was used as supplementary and not in place of the Conversation Analysis, as recommended by Auer (1984 On the Meaning of Conversational Code-Switching Peter Auer u.a. (Hrsg.): Interpretive sociololinguistics TÃ¼bingen: Narr, 1984, S. 87 – 112). As Gumperz stated: ‘it’s not a question of whether you should use informants or not. It’s how you can demonstrate what the relationship is between your informants’ responses and your analysis.’ (Auer, as previous ref, p. 112)

3.3.1 Positioning of the Researcher see Research methods page 75

I am a friend of the family, first meeting Audrey in 2004. I have known her in various roles – colleague, student, employer and personal friend. I have known her husband since 2004 as a friend and student. I first met their son when he was about 5 years old.

I have a positive attitude towards bilingualism and code-switching practices and as a friend of the family they were able to talk to me openly about their linguistic background and language use. However my lack of competence in the Lithuanian language meant I was an outsider in terms of their linguistic group. From research methods book page 75

3.3.2 Ethics, interviews and data collection

The participants agreed a convenient time and place to be interviewed for about half an hour per participant on two occasions. They were informed that they were free to stop the interviews and withdraw at any time. They also agreed to provide two audio recordings in a family setting which were used for transcription.

The participants were informed that their data would remain totally anonymous. They also received the information that the analysis of the interview would be written up in a report of the study, in which they would not be identifiable in the write up or any publication which might ensue.

The materials used for the analysis were transcriptions of a recording taken during a family evening meal at the home with all the family present. The first recording has a length of about 15 minutes, the second of an hour and a half. During these recordings I was not present. Transcriptions were carried out with the help of a member of the family and a Lithuanian/English bilingual.

Supporting data were also obtained by means of a semi-structured interview with each of the participants. This interview was carried out in order to ascertain the attitudes of the participants towards the languages in question rather than to look at their language behaviour, although some questions about language behaviour were asked. The second interview involved the participant stating his or her reasons for the language choices and code-switching patterns from six excerpts of the transcription.

3.4 Data collection issues

Data were collected by the family by using a digital recorder. I was not present at the time of recording as I do not speak Lithuanian therefore family conversations would have been carried out almost entirely in English had I been present. I felt that by letting the family record themselves more naturalistic data could be obtained leading to a more meaningful analysis. The presence of the recorder might have meant that the initial part of the recording could have provided unnatural data as the participants might have felt self-conscious. (The ‘Observer’s Paradox’ Labov 1972). However, this self-consciousness usually only lasts for the first fifteen or twenty minutes of the recording after which the conversation becomes more naturalistic.

The first transcription was originally carried out by one of the subjects (Audrey). It was then checked by another Lithuanian/English bilingual. The second recording was transcribed by a Lithuanian/English bilingual and was then checked by Audrey for accuracy. Both transcriptions were translated by a Lithuanian/English bilingual and checked by Audrey.

Coding – see dissertation page 48

In this research an attempt was made to understand the nature of the various types of speech actions by explaining the resources that the members of the family had at their disposal when making utterances rather than by endeavouring to code them according to external groupings.

In order to establish the language pattern of the participants, all the utterances in the conversations were transcribed in their naturally occurring form and coded for language as Lithuanian, English or Mixed.

3.5 Transcription conventions

See Mandy’s file

3.6 Analysis of the data

The analysis of the data has made use of Conversation Analysis techniques. The focus of Conversation Analysis is on the procedural analysis of talk in interaction and how this interaction is organised to solve organisational problems. This method of analysis requires that the research is data driven – in other words, that hypotheses and concepts should be taken from the analysis of the data in place of from preconceived theories or ideologies (Wooffitt 2005). However, I do not use Conversation Analysis in its pure form as I do relate the findings to the wider context and look outside the data at

A quantitative analysis was also carried out into the language choices of the three participants to ascertain which of them used the most Lithuanian, English or mixed turns. This was done in order to gain an insight into the relationship between their language choices and the level of proficiency of each of them and also to relate to their sense of identity.

In addition the participants themselves were asked to comment on their code-switching in various excerpts from the transcription. As research into code-switching is increasingly moving towards the analyses stemming from the data itself rather than the imposition of external values onto the data, I felt that the next logical step in analysis was to ask the participants themselves to give their own interpretation of their motives for the switches. By doing this rather than trying assuming that the researcher is in possession of the answers to the questions, a fresh perspective on the data might be obtained and some new insights gained.

3.7 Conclusion

This chapter has examined the methodology used in the study, looking at the participants, the design issues, ethics, interviews and data collection, coding, transcription conventions and the analysis of the data. I will now move on to the data analysis itself. Expand

Chapter 4 Data Analysis

4.1 Introduction

The results of the data analysis are presented as a bar chart showing the language choices of the participants followed by a qualitative analysis of the data using Conversation Analysis techniques. The transcription of the data itself can be found in the Appendix.

The following sections in this chapter relate to the research questions and hypotheses as stated in Chapter 1. Expand

4.2 The language choices and code-switching patterns of the subjects

The bar charts show the number of turns of each participant in each language:

What about first recording?

Briefly describe the focus and highlight the most important points for the reader. No need to discuss in detail

The three subjects showed quite distinctive patterns of language choice in the data. In the first recording, Ugnius spoke exclusively in English, regardless of the language that he was addressed in, with the exception of one word ‘Ka?’ (‘What?’) uttered at the beginning of the dialogue. Audrey spoke in English when her and her son were alone, then changed to Lithuanian when her husband returned from work, also using some code-switching within turns. Linas spoke mainly in Lithuanian with a few embedded English words and expressions and also used some code-switching. When Audrey and Linas were alone together they communicated in Lithuanian.

The second recording shows a more mixed pattern of language usage. Audrey and Linas speak predominantly in Lithuanian, with English a fairly close second. Ugnius speaks English three times as much as Lithuanian, and has the lowest number of mixed turns of the three participants. Audrey has the largest number of mixed turns of the three, more than doubling those of the other two participants. All of the participants speak in English when referring directly to the game that they are playing. Lithuanian is shown here in italics.

Linas kiek ocean is vis ar tu zinai?

(how many oceans are there altogether do you know?)

Audrey tada pasakyk visus Oceans. Jeigu pasakysi visus Oceans, atiduosim

(tell us the oceans if you can tell us all of them we will give you the card)

The large majority of Linas’s English turns relate directly to the game or consist of reading an English question.

Linas nepasakai, as pasiimu sau. Yra four oceans. Viena du jau zinai

(if you don’t get it I will take it for myself. There are four oceans. One two you already know)

They also engage in code-switching between turns.

Hypotheses

4.3 How the language choice and code-switching reflects on the proficiency level of the language

Ugnius

Ugnius’s language choice in the first recording seems to reflect the fact that his level of English is higher than his level of Lithuanian. As an early immigrant whose Lithuanian language was not fixed on arrival in the UK, he has spoken more English than Lithuanian since starting school.

In the second recording he speaks some Lithuanian during the game, particularly when speaking to his father. When using Lithuanian, however, he is does not use the declensions necessary to indicate parts of speech in Lithuanian, sometimes leaving them out altogether. Ugnius: kok zaidim tu nori zaisti, teti?

(What game do you want to play Daddy?)

The words kok zaidim (what game) here are used without the use of inflectional endings. As Lithuanian is a highly inflectional language, the complex system of morphological markers is extremely important for meaningful communication. As Ugnius spoke only Lithuanian until the age of 4, it is interesting to note that his morphology was either undeveloped at the time of starting school or forgotten. Studies indicate that languages learned are not forgotten but re-activated (Dahl, Rice et al. 2010). McLaughlin 1984 see Hoffman for ref points out that morphology generally develops later than syntax. Hoffmann (1991) states that morphological endings are not essential to communication due to clues which are present in the language as to the grammatical category and function. Morphological suffixes are also not pronounced as strongly therefore could be perceived by a child as being of little importance.

Audrey

Audrey speaks more in English than in Lithuanian during the first extract check this. Her English proficiency level is very high. When asked whether she finds it easier to speak in English. Lithuanian or to code-switch, she replied that code-switching for her was the easiest choice. Of the three participants she had the largest number of mixed turns.

In the second extract she speaks more Lithuanian than English. This could be due to the fact that she is with her husband, or because she feels as a mother that she is aiding her child to speak to him in Lithuanian.

Linas

Linas speaks little English during the first recording, rarely making a whole utterance in English. His English level is low in spite of a long residence in the UK and when interviewed he expressed shame at his level. During the second recording he used English when reading questions or referring to the game. Other than this he used predominantly Lithuanian.

Relate to literature review

Hypotheses

4.4 The functional purposes of the code-switching

Talk about the self-perceived causes of the code-switching as stated by the participants

4.4.1 To lower language barriers

The data show that code-switching is employed as a strategy to lower the language barriers between the speaker and the audience due to the discrepancy in their language levels.

Audrey What plant is showing?

Ugnius shamrock

Audrey well done

Linas koksai? Parodyk.

(which one? Show me)

Ugnius shamrock dobiliukas

(shamrock)

Linas tai kad ne shamrock dobiliukas

(so shamrock isn’t dobiliukas)

Audrey o kaip? Clover

(or what?)

Ugnius bet cia raso shamrock

(but it is written shamrock)

Audrey but it’s clover

Ugnius ne, cia kitokis

(no it’s different)

Studies have shown that speakers accommodate and take into account other interlocutors’ linguistic factors in designing their speech (Giles & Smith, 1979; Bell, 1984; Giles, Coupland & Coupland, 1991).

Audrey’s code-switching within the family environment also serves as a communicative tool in order to facilitate understanding where the other two members of the family might have lexical gaps.

Ugnius what are the colour of the petals

Linas as nezinau, kad petals buvo petals ne animals Kad jus nepasakot. viena karta petals blossom pasidare ziedai

(I don’t know, those petals were petals not animals. You didn’t say (.) one time petals blossom became petals)

Audrey ne ziedai o lapeliai ziedu (not bloosoms but petals)

Linas as nezinojau as buciau pasakes as galvojau kad animal

(I didn’t know I would have said I thought that it was an animal)

Ugnius also uses Lithuanian to aid comprehension within the family, here repeating his mum’s statement in Lithuanian when speaking to his father: This fits in with the findings of Milroy and Li Wei (1995) who found that speakers are more likely to choose a language which is appropriate for their interlocutor:

Ugnius Does the tapir have a tail

Linas kas cia do animal kaip tu sakei tapir o as net nezinau.cia tas kur skruzdzius

valgo?

(what is this kind of animal how did you say tapir oh I don’t know is it this one which eats ants)

Ugnius kokio animal

(which animal)

Audrey yes but very little

Linas cia kur skruzdeles valgo?

(this one which eats ants?)

Ugnius nu toks very maziukas

(it’s very little)

Audrey o ka jis valgo? parodyk

(what does it eat show me)

Ugnius ca kaip kiaule

(it is like a pig)

Audrey sakiau yeah very litlle

(I said yeah very litlle)

Ugnius kaip dramblys, kaip kaule

(like an elephant like a pig)

Audrey’s use of Lithuanian in the dialogue below shows how she corrects her son gently when he makes grammatical errors in his Lithuanian (as tik darau, kad as nieko neturejau daryti / ne, as tik niek neturejau daryt).

Ugnius: as tik darau, kad as nieko neturejau daryti

(I am just doing because I nothing had to do)***

Audrey: o tai kaip mes sitas? Oi…pameciau

(So how can we do them? Oh I dropped them)

Ugnius: ne, as tik niek neturejau daryt

(I just had nothing to do)

Audrey: neturejai ka veikti?

(You had nothing to do?)

For Linas the code-switching is often used to fill gaps in his knowledge of English. He also frequently code-switches to English when the word is related to familiar everyday objects that he feels everyone knows – such as animal ( in the example above).

Audrey how many silver bars are showing?

Linas kas yra bars?

(what is bars)

Audrey bars? Silver bars

Linas ai, silver bars. Four du, keturi turetu buti

(oh silver bars, four, two four, should be )

When Linas is familiar with English words and concepts he code-switches frequently and enjoys the freedom of using two languages. (give example from transcript), Romaine (1995) – cs occurs the most when speakers are discussing things which are familiar in both languages

To show convergence or divergence with the opinions of the interlocutor

Put something here

Audrey: Na, suneli, ar issirinkai koki zaidima zaisim?

(So, sonny, have you chosen what game to play?)

Ugnius: I thought I was waiting for you E

Audrey: Ir neissirinkai per ta laika?

(And you haven’t chosen yet?)

Ugnius: No. I was thinking about you. I will take monopoly but

Audrey O gal su geografija? (.) tu cytini? Skaitai korteles? Tuoj tetis ateis (.)Kaip manai,

koki zaidima jis pasirinks?

(Maybe with geography? (.) you cheating? Reading the cards? Dad will come soon)(.)What do you think, what game will he choose?)

Ugnius: Koki mes pasakysim L

(The one we tell him)

Ugnius in section about shower?

Ugnius: I am not I am not reading it I am just doing it the way I want

Audrey: Ai , tu tik sudedi? `

(Oh are you just putting them down?)

Ugnius: Do you really think in five minutes I could have read all of them

Audrey: Nezinau, gal

(I don’t know, maybe)

Ugnius: Takes ten minutes to play and even then you are rushed

Audrey tiktai desimt minuciu?

(only ten minutes?)

To indicate a feeling of identity with a language or culture

Could be the fact that Linas and Audrey speak to each other in Lith when alone mainly or when discussing Lithuanian friends. The language use reflects their sense of identity as Lithuanians who have lived a long time in the UK and have become fairly anglicised.

In response to trigger words

Could be related to the game? References to the game in English could cause changes to English – also look for literature in this for lit review

To frame discourse

Another function of code-switching is to attract and hold listeners’ attention. This is done by framing the discourse with the use of conjunctions like ‘so’ and ‘then’, and routines like ‘well’, ‘ok’ and ‘alright’. According to Koike (1987), this type of code-switching normally occurs at boundaries as an intensifying strategy to emphasize the utterance, hold the listeners’ attention and move the action forward.

To allow greater freedom of expression

Look at Audrey’s speaking for examples Audrey in particular stated during her interview the feeling of freedom which being able to express herself in two languages and code-switch between them gives her. She often switches language when she feels that a particular word is better expressed in the other language. She feels able to express herself in English almost as well as in Lithuanian and so ..

To contrast personalization and objectification

Code-switching may also be employed to show a contrast between personalization and objectification. A speaker may use a language in talking about his or her personal feelings while using another language in describing facts or objectives. Look for evidence of this in the text

To convey cultural-expressive message

Some cultural expressions uniquely belong to a particular language and cannot be expressed in another language. Speakers often switched from the language of interaction when it comes to cultural expressions as they feel that the language will not be able to convey the intended meaning.

To emphasise a keyword

The data show that speakers also code-switc

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